When some workers in Ismaillia (90 km eastern Cairo) decided to volunteer to provide all what they can to a primary school teacher and abandon their political will to him that started one of the most dangerous principles of any religious extremist in the twentieth century. These men and this man have laid down an Islamic principle that is not permissible except by some Shia sects confined in the concept of Imamat legacy. This man did not only accept to receive the wills of individuals and control it in the name of religion, but proceeded in the search for new wills to be driven and controlled, convinced that this is an implementation of the will of God on earth!
Worse still, they also believed in it where doctrine of obedience is not to be questioned, and the oath to the group cannot be escaped.
Even until now, the man is surrounded by a kind of holiness among his followers that justify any evil act under the slogan of bringing the word of God on earth. They started the establishment of an armed underground organization to assassinate opponents of the group and dissidents, claiming they are permitted by religious imperatives. Bullets became the divine answer to a judge who dared to rule against them or a Prime Minister who tempted to take any action against the group.
The group started to see itself as all Muslims and not just some Muslims, and in their leader what has not been seen in the early Muslims companions themselves.
When this leader was killed late forties of the last century, he received the title of “Al Imam Al Shahid” a title that has not advocated by any Sunni Muslims except “Ali ibn Abi Talib”.
Worse still, they also believed in it where doctrine of obedience is not to be questioned, and the oath to the group cannot be escaped.
Even until now, the man is surrounded by a kind of holiness among his followers that justify any evil act under the slogan of bringing the word of God on earth. They started the establishment of an armed underground organization to assassinate opponents of the group and dissidents, claiming they are permitted by religious imperatives. Bullets became the divine answer to a judge who dared to rule against them or a Prime Minister who tempted to take any action against the group.
The group started to see itself as all Muslims and not just some Muslims, and in their leader what has not been seen in the early Muslims companions themselves.
When this leader was killed late forties of the last century, he received the title of “Al Imam Al Shahid” a title that has not advocated by any Sunni Muslims except “Ali ibn Abi Talib”.
Of course, this man was “Hassan al-Banna” (1909-1949) and group, which is established by him is “The Muslim Brotherhood”.
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| Hassan al-Banna |
Even at the highest power of this group during the life of its charismatic founder and leader, its popularity has still been limited.
It is true that the arbitrator and the organization of paramilitary militias and its famous secret terrorist organization gave the group a clear attendance in the political stage. But these folk have been limited, a fact that still bother the members of this group until now. That probably explains some of the positions of the group, which may seem vague at the moment. In the very early times Hassan al-Banna found that, despite his efforts and his followers’ efforts, the massive popularity remained concentrated in the Egyptian Wafd Party and its leader, Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha.
It seems since that time, that relationship between the average Egyptian and the Muslim Brotherhood is not love or hate but rather aversion. Aversion penetrated even among the lower poor classes. The tremendous popularity among the people of Egypt remained in Wafd Party until the July 1952 Revolution.
It is true that the arbitrator and the organization of paramilitary militias and its famous secret terrorist organization gave the group a clear attendance in the political stage. But these folk have been limited, a fact that still bother the members of this group until now. That probably explains some of the positions of the group, which may seem vague at the moment. In the very early times Hassan al-Banna found that, despite his efforts and his followers’ efforts, the massive popularity remained concentrated in the Egyptian Wafd Party and its leader, Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha.
It seems since that time, that relationship between the average Egyptian and the Muslim Brotherhood is not love or hate but rather aversion. Aversion penetrated even among the lower poor classes. The tremendous popularity among the people of Egypt remained in Wafd Party until the July 1952 Revolution.
At that time there were no cruel procedures against political dissidents as what happened later. Therefore, members of Wafd of regular employees didn’t mind being functionally persecuted and delaying their promotions a few years as they were sure their rights is secured as soon as the Wafd return to power. The traditional Egyptian citizen who usually considers his own safety didn’t find it dangerous to be politically active.
After 1952 Army coup (Developed latter by the support of people to be the July Egyptian revolution) Muslim Brotherhood Group believed they had seized power and in the best manner they prefer. To achieve their political goals, without having to show the real political face. Gamal Abel Nasser (1918-1970) is believed to be their man, who is member of the group. Meanwhile, he is the leader of the revolution who dissolved all political parties with the exception of their group.
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| Nasser |
However, the fact that things were quite different, Abdel-Nasser in addition to his membership in the group, was an active member of the Assemblies of communism parties, member of the extreme nationalism party “Misr al Fatah” and a close friend of some Wafd party leaders. Above all of that, he was the founder and leader of the “Free Officers” movement in the Egyptian Army that led the coup. In brief, was an ambitious man who has totally different vision far beyond the horizon of the group.
When all of that revealed, it was a real shock. The ripe fruit, seemed closer to reach more than ever, faded into a deplorable mirage.
The famous clash between the group and Egypt's Revolution, which lasted for decades, started from the attempted assassination of Nasser in Mansheya (Alexandria-1954).
It was strongly affected by the increasing popularity of Nasser, who was mainly surrounded by poor and middle class citizens specially after the Suez war 1956. The group role and their attendance gradually diminished, especially with the development of a totalitarian regime in Egypt that severed more clashes with the members of the group who dispersed between prisons and exiles.
Muslim Brotherhood was not the only group subjected to this, but perhaps all political waves suffered to one degree or another.
However, what concern us here is that the overwhelming weight of the political support moved gradually from Wafd Party and concentrated in the figure of Gamal Abdel Nasser himself.
Political activities outside the regime supervision turned to be just a dream …
The practice of politics outside the newly created governmental frameworks became an extremely dangerous.
Meanwhile, the silent majority trusted and supported Nasser who satisfied their revolutionary dreams , even though he blocked (whether intentionally or not) most means to actual political participation. Acts like nationalization of Suez channel and construction of Aswan dam and the dream of building a modern state appeared like miracle for them. And, when other aspects of things manifested themselves, the fear was already the common law.
It was strongly affected by the increasing popularity of Nasser, who was mainly surrounded by poor and middle class citizens specially after the Suez war 1956. The group role and their attendance gradually diminished, especially with the development of a totalitarian regime in Egypt that severed more clashes with the members of the group who dispersed between prisons and exiles.
Muslim Brotherhood was not the only group subjected to this, but perhaps all political waves suffered to one degree or another.
However, what concern us here is that the overwhelming weight of the political support moved gradually from Wafd Party and concentrated in the figure of Gamal Abdel Nasser himself.
Political activities outside the regime supervision turned to be just a dream …
The practice of politics outside the newly created governmental frameworks became an extremely dangerous.
Meanwhile, the silent majority trusted and supported Nasser who satisfied their revolutionary dreams , even though he blocked (whether intentionally or not) most means to actual political participation. Acts like nationalization of Suez channel and construction of Aswan dam and the dream of building a modern state appeared like miracle for them. And, when other aspects of things manifested themselves, the fear was already the common law.
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| Mahfouz |
I should borrow here an example that may explain what happened, example of Mr.Naguib Mahfouz (Literature Nobel Prize Winner). Mr. Mahfouz ended writing his huge famous novel known as “trilogy” about the year 1951, months before the July Revolution,(although it was published later on 1956). Since the revolution, and for about eight years, the man lost the ability to start any new literary work, as he felt that the revolution had begun to achieve all that he sought in his writings, social justice, freedom and the fight against the colonization.
With time, negatives began to emerge and the man returned to writing novels criticizing the situation, even if by hidden means starting from his novel “The Thief and the Dogs”. But the Egyptian people did not return with him to the practice of politics. The majority remained silent even though they may still massive supportive to the regime, political work remained in the hands of the elite.
The Muslim Brotherhood, even with their popularity that is already low, faced a real dilemma.
Abdel Nasser passed away in September 1970. His funeral was a popular referendum reflecting what would have happened if he could activate these millions in a real political action.
Anwar Sadat, who had personal connections with Hassan el-Banna and some leaders of the group, came to power. He was more like professional politician than being charismatic leader as his predecessor. As an absolute hatred of socialism and the Soviet Union, he started his terms slowly and with great patience.
He knows that the majority of the regime members are allegiance to socialism. The street and especially the students and workers dislike all pillars of the government and also the Soviet Union affiliation, mostly ranging between Nasserlist and socialist (including few communist). For Sadat, the Soviet Union remained the only possible ally in the current circumstances. Very dramatic position!
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| Sadat |
Watching some old documentaries of Anwar Sadat visiting Moscow in early seventies, and meet leaders of the Kremlin is very funny. The man was a great actor, who was looking extremely happy while hugging them very intimately, but we are
certain now that the real feelings he had was totally different.
In May 1971 Sadat led a palace coup and hit two birds with one stone. He get rid
of the pillars of Nasser's regime and gained his own popularity at the same time. He promised the start of a modern free country and end an era controlled by intelligence means, starting the rule of law. (Things that never really happened).
Then, the war on October 73 gave the man unquestioned credibility and legitimacy
and seemed a favourable opportunity for the man to stabilize the basis of his regime once and forever. But there was another obstacle, Students and workers in most of them were still Nasserites or pro left-wing. Sadat decided to be creative, and the solution crossed his mind led in fact to disastrous results that will affect the whole world for decades, especially when the West adopted this solution later. It is simply the launch of the Muslim Brotherhood and similar groups to face his opponents. Solution that seems smart, both parties will finish off the other and he stays at the end of the game possesses all the Parties. He faced one simple problem at that time, the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamic groups in general were weaker than necessary. Well.. that is simple, we will support the Muslim Brotherhood and other groups behind the scenes, but we will remain always in control of things. Cunning and dangerous game at the same time. The honeymoon between the regime and the Muslim Brotherhood and the other groups started. Now when monitoring events after tens of years we can easily see where the fatal mistakes in it, but it is unfair to think that it crossed the mind of the maker of this policy in that time what will accrue to him. Anyway we are not going to analyze this policy or its consequences here as we are concerned to show that throughout the reign of Sadat, and until his assassination in the hands of the tributaries of such groups, the majority remained silent and its feelings toward this group continued to be aversion.
These groups’ gain in ground, which was basically among the youth, was shared mostly
by groups like “jihad” and the “Islamic Group” (both are the real roots of Qaeda) more than the Brotherhood.
I can still remember exactly how Egyptians who have become careless about politics in general, lined up in larger rows than any other similar referendum to elect Sadat successor Hosni mubarak in October 1981.
Mubarak came
and that is another chapter....
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